Відповіді

• 2002.01.28 | Адвокат ...

  Наївний Ви! ;-)))

  Читайте "Mein Qampf" таваріщчя Литвина. На біса ще один "рехверендум", коли "влада" й так знає, чого прагне "народ" та що і як треба робити.
  
  Єдине, що й досі формально заважає, так це ВРада. От, як би її грець узяв! Але так, щоб виглядало "природньо". От тоді б! Але розраховувати на нечисту силу більшовики не звикли, тому "проробляють і альтернативні варіянти": поки що "вразмляют нєразумних", як це робив той Литвин на Львівщині. Але, як я бачу, скоро перейдуть до вікопомного: "нє хочєшь,-- заставім!"

• 2002.01.28 | LEN-2

  A ja pro nyx girshe dumav,

  vse taky 9 vidsotkiv ne bojit'sja scho jix povbyvajut'.
  згорнути/розгорнути гілку відповідей

  • 2002.01.28 | Адвокат ...

    Ще 2-3 відсотки, і вони стануть на шлях свободи (-)

• 2002.01.28 | Englishman

  Sche descho z togo zh regionu (dosyt' "surprising")

  A challenge to the president
  
  Jan 24th 2002 | ALMATY
  From The Economist print edition
  
  
  Democratic Choice calls for changes
  
  AP
  
  
  Nazarbayev: under pressure
  
  DOMESTIC politics in Kazakhstan, normally uneventful to the point of dullness under the control of the authoritarian president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, have suddenly become interesting. Democratic Choice, a movement set up two months ago, held a rally in Almaty on January 20th attended by several thousand people, the sort of political event the country has not seen in years.
  
  The movement was created by a number of senior government officials, who promptly lost their jobs, and some businessmen. Among their demands are a more powerful parliament, the reform of the judiciary, a free press and television, and the election of regional governors and mayors (now appointed by the president). It is necessary “to eliminate the excessive centralisation of power and concentration of power in the hands of one person,” said Galymzhan Zhakiyanov, who was sacked as governor of the Pavlodar region in northern Kazakhstan after he joined Democratic Choice. Power should be returned to the people, he said, to huge applause at the rally.
  
  The day before the rally there had been a joint meeting in Almaty of leaders of the main opposition parties, among them the Communist Party and the United Democratic Party, and around 800 of their supporters. They called for Kazakhstan to be turned from a presidential into a parliamentary republic, and voted to collect signatures for a petition to hold a national referendum on free local elections.
  
  Old and new democrats have many grievances, but most of them are rooted in a dislike for the excessive influence that Mr Nazarbayev and his extended family are seen to exert on the economic and political life of the country. Appointed officials, they say, do not view themselves as accountable to the people; their primary goal is to please the president. Business people, they claim, are often restricted in their operations as a result of the Nazarbayev family's extensive interests in such key areas as banking, the oil industry and the media. The comparison often made is with the stranglehold that the Suharto family exercised over much of the economy in Indonesia—until a wave of popular protest forced the patriarch to step aside.
  
  How much of a following the dissenters will gain among the general population is a matter of speculation. Yevgenii Zhovtis, a human-rights activist, believes the response could be big. He points to the widespread discontent over the corruption and arbitrariness evident in people's daily dealings with all levels of officialdom, from the police to the courts, and their inability to get redress, a result of a general lack of accountability.
  
  Mr Nazarbayev's seven-year term of office does not end until 2006. But Democratic Choice could re-awaken the public from its torpor. If the 1995 constitution, which enhanced Mr Nazarbayev's powers, could be amended, then maybe Kazakhstan would have a second chance at democracy.