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Наявні докази злочину зради Держави скоєного Тимошенко при підписанні контрактів з Газпромом

03/15/2012 | zdiplok
Тимошенко можуть дати 15 років за державну зраду


У тимчасової слідчої комісії Верховної ради з’явилися докази, які вказують на здійснення екс-прем’єром державної зради під час підписання у Москві невигідних Україні газових контрактів. Якщо її провина буде доведена, термін ув’язнення може збільшитися до 15 років.


Тимчасова слідча комісія (ТСК) Верховної ради зібрала докази, які вказують на здійснення екс-прем'єром Юлією Тимошенко державної зради. У цьому комісії допомогла головна військова прокуратура Росії.

Надані прокуратурою РФ документи у ТСК трактують як докази особистої зацікавленості Тимошенко при підписанні у Москві невигідних Україні газових контрактів. У разі якщо Генпрокуратура порушить кримінальну справу за матеріалами ТСК, термін ув'язнення Юлії Тимошенко може збільшитися до 15 років

Оголошення остаточних результатів роботи парламентської комісії щодо «розслідування обставин підписання газових угод між НАК „Нафтогаз України“ і ВАТ „Газпром“ щодо наявності ознак державної зради...» у Верховній Раді заплановано на 16 березня.

За словами народного депутата Інни Богословської, СБУ надала їй «головний документ, що підтверджує факт особистої зацікавленості Тимошенко в підписанні невигідних для України газових контрактів».

На підтвердження своїх слів вона продемонструвала виписку з постанови головної військової прокуратури Росії про припинення кримінальної справи стосовно пані Тимошенко за нереабілітуючими обставинами.

У копії цього документа, об'ємом у 22 сторінки описуються деякі обставини кримінальної справи, порушеної у 2001 році головною військовою прокуратурою Росії щодо колишньої глави корпорації «Єдині енергетичні системи України» Тимошенко за ч. 3 ст. 33 і ч. 2 ст. 291 Кримінального кодексу РФ («організація передання хабара посадовій особі, іноземній посадовій особі чи посадовій особі міжнародної організації особисто або через посередника»).

Кримінальну справу було порушено на підставі заяви колишнього керівника московського департаменту ЄЕСУ Владислава Литвинова.

У своїй заяві Литвинов відзначив, що вказівку про передання грошей посадовим особам Міноборони РФ він отримав особисто від Тимошенко. «З січня 1996 по вересень 1997 року, за рішенням президента ЄЕСУ Тимошенко, отримав від неї гроші в сумі $15 тис. для заохочення ряду військовослужбовців, у зв'язку із завершенням постачання продукції за контрактом...», — цитується в документі Владислава Литвинова. За його словами гроші в сумі $5 тис. були передані особисто Волкову Г. А. і Ізгагіну А. Н; Містюкову Н. Н. передана сума у $3 тис.

У документах також містяться свідчення посадових осіб центрального банку Кіпру, які підтверджують, що «дійсними акціонерами компанії „Somolly Enterprisers Ltd“, яка виступала посередником між ЄЕСУ і Міноборони РФ, були Тимошенко та інші».

Відповідно до виписки з постанови головної військової прокуратури Росії, кримінальну справу стосовно Тимошенко було закрито в 2005 році у зв'язку із закінченням термінів давності кримінального переслідування.

Нагадаємо, ст. 111 КК («державна зрада») передбачає покарання у вигляді позбавлення волі від 10 до 15 років

Tymoshenko can get 15 years for high treason


The temporary investigative Commission of the Verkhovna Rada informs that :

there is evidence indicating that a former Prime Minister of
state commited treason at the signing in Moscow of unprofitable for
The State Ukraine gas contracts.

If this is proven Tymoshenko term of imprisonment may be increased to 15 years.


Temporary investigation Commission of the Verkhovna Rada has gathered
evidence indicating that a former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko
commited high treason. The Commission has been helped by the
chief military Prosecutors office of Russia.


The Prosecutor's office of the RUSSIAN Federation provided the
documents interpreted as evidence of personal interest of Tymoshenko
at the signing in Moscow of unprofitable for Ukraine gas contracts.

In case if the General Prosecutors office of UKRAINE initiates
criminal proceedings based on materials of the Parlimentary Commision,

the sentence of Yulia Tymoshenko could rise to 15 years.

The Announcement of the final conclusions by The Commision

on the possible state treason committed by Tymoshenko

is scheduled for March 16 in the Verkhovna
Rada .

The Parliamentary Commission was investigating the circumstances
of signing of the gas agreements between NAFTOGAZ of “Naftogaz of
Ukraine” and “Gazprom”

according to people's Deputy Inna Bogoslovskaya, the SBU has provided her with

“the main document confirming the fact of the personal interest of
Tymoshenko in the signing of the disadvantageous for Ukraine gas
contracts”.

In confirmation of his words, MP Inna Bogoslovskaya has shown an
extract from the decision of the Military Prosecutors office of Russia
on the Termination of the Criminal Case against Ms. Tymoshenko

due to non-rehabilitative grounds.

a copy of this document, a volume of 22 pages, describes some of
the circumstances of the criminal case, initiated in 2001, by the main
military Prosecutors office of Russia in relation to the former

head of the Corporation “United energy systems of Ukraine” - Ms Tymoshenko -

in h. 3, art. 33 and h. 2 of the article. 291 of the Criminal code of
the RUSSIAN Federation:

“organization of bribing a public official, a foreign public official
or an official of a public international organization personally or
through an intermediary, ”.

A Criminal case was initiated on the basis of the statements of the
former head of the Moscow Department of the “United energy systems of
Ukraine” - Mr. Vladislav Litvinov.

In his statement Litvinov noted that he received personally from
Tymoshenko an order to transfer money to officials of the Ministry
of Defense of the RUSSIAN Federation .

“From January 1996 to September 1997, by decision of the President of
“United energy systems of Ukraine” Tymoshenko,

payments in the amount of $15 thousand were received from her for the
promotion of a number of military personnel in connection with the
termination of deliveries of products under the contract…”, -

quoted in the document by Vladislav Litvinov.

According to him the money in the amount of $5 thousand were
transferred personally to the following military officers: Volkov,
Izgagin. Mistyukov received an amount of $3 thousand.


Evidence also contains the testimony of officials of the Central Bank
of Cyprus, confirming that

“the actual shareholders of the company: Somolly Enterprisers Ltd -
Timoshenko and others -

were acting as a mediator between

Corporation “United energy systems of Ukraine”

and

the Ministry of defense of the RUSSIAN Federation, ”.

According to the extract from the decision of the military Prosecutors
office of Russia, the criminal case against her was closed in 2005, in
connection with the expiration of limitation periods of criminal
prosecution.


We should be reminded that art. 111 of the CRIMINAL code (“state
treason”) envisages punishment in the form of imprisonment from 10 to 15 years.


on October 11, 2011, the Pechersk court of Kyiv sentenced Yulia
Tymoshenko to seven years of imprisonment for abuse of office at the conclusion of the gas contracts.

Відповіді

  • 2012.03.15 | Hadjibei

    Та вже хай зразу втоплять у ставку! У Конотопі...

    Ну і що, цим вони вирішать усі проблеми?
    Ще нехай Харківські угоди на 100 років продовжать.
    Може полегшає...
    згорнути/розгорнути гілку відповідей
    • 2012.03.15 | zdiplok

      та тут таке...

      http://www.ukrinform.ua/eng/order/?id=246394 аналітика з сайту як я розумію афілійованого з зовнішньою розвідкою України


      Recent developments in Russian-Ukrainian gas relations have left no doubt that Ukraine and Russia are engaged in another, the third straight "gas war". And after the presidential elections in Russia, this war, contrary to the expectations and hopes now prevailing in Ukraine, is not likely to be over.

      Based on the logic and motives of the Kremlin, perhaps, this war will last until the "complete destruction" of the parties.

      The Ukrainian-Russian gas agreements between Yulia Tymoshenko and Vladimir Putin in 2009 were signed under public and media scrutiny, with the further promulgation of documents in the media. Given the scandalous consequences of those agreements the new negotiating team, which continued a dialogue with Russian partners after Viktor Yanukovych was elected the President of Ukraine, has significantly changed the behavioral tactics.

      It is obvious that the current negotiators prefer to wash their dirty linen at home: not to make loud declarations and preliminary estimates in order not to stir up once again the media and public opinion. The parties prefer to negotiate among themselves behind the tightly closed doors, and the results are commented in short, but always optimistic reports of press services [mostly of Gazprom]. It is often the case that information about the visits of Ukrainian officials to Moscow appears in the press only a few days after the end of talks with their Russian counterparts.

      By the way, such secrecy in the negotiations has already been used in 2007 - during the premiership of Viktor Yanukovych, and it ended with a scandal. Then Russian President Vladimir Putin during a news conference in Moscow, answering a question of an UKRINFORM correspondent, disclosed some "revolutionary" proposals of the Ukrainian side and acknowledged Russia's interest in controlling the Ukrainian gas transit system. Amid the information vacuum that developed at that time around the gas theme, this statement was a bombshell. It was then the opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko who rammed through the Verkhovna Rada the law prohibiting the sale of the Ukrainian gas transit system, being in force up to now, and which the Ukrainian deputies wanted to amend on Friday, February 24.

      Over time, however, it became apparent that the practice of behind-the-scene agreements does not help solve the current problems. Obviously, the existing contradictions have "crossed" over a certain critical line and resulted in open confrontation.

      The prerequisites for the open conflict have also been seen before - the media again and again published negative comments from both sides citing sources". But the public go-head to the "battle" could be considered the February 22 meeting of President Dmitry Medvedev and Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller. The head of the gas monopoly told the President on camera about the loss in a transit pipeline on the Ukrainian territory of 40 million cubic meters of Russian gas a day - and it is at the peak of its consumption by Europeans. Gazprom, according to the already established "good tradition", once again tried to pass its own guilt for the reduction of Russian gas supplies to Europe onto Ukraine. Medvedev immediately ordered "to take in the situation," and at the same time to increase the capacity of the Nord Stream pipeline to 63 billion cubic meters.

      Within a few hours the "talking head" of Gazprom, Sergei Kupriyanov, said that after reaching the design capacity of the Nord Stream and South Stream, Russia will completely refuse the services of the Ukrainian gas transit system to arrange gas supplies to Europe.

      Eyewitnesses of the previous two "gas battles' rightly note that this time something was lacking for the apotheosis and dramatic splash in covering the situation by the Russian TV channels a dashing story about a tour of one of the top officials of the Russian state to Gazprom's control center, where under the media scrutiny local specialists with their fingers could demonstrate on the big screen where the Russian gas is going to and where it disappears.

      Without such an emotional picture another media attack from Gazprom on Ukraine has not brought the desired effect. Moreover, everyone somehow reminded of the folk wisdom about who cries as loud as possible "Stop thief." The crying of Gazprom's top leaders about the "reputational and financial losses suffered in the fight with Ukraine, looked almost comical. Since a few days earlier Gazprom officials themselves admitted that their company had reduced gas supplies to Europe because of abnormal cold and the growth of consumption in Russia itself. And Europe, finally, did not believe another Gazprom's accusations against Kyiv. Gazprom itself had notified in advance the European companies of reductions in gas supplies due to frosts.

      The only question remained: to what extent Gazprom was sincere in dealing with the "Ukrainian friends" and its European partners during the gas quarrels in 2006 and 2009 - remember, then winters were severe too. Incidentally, the expression "to lay one's own fault at somebody else's door" - is also a Russian proverb.

      In Ukraine, moving the gas conflict to the public was quite easily regarded as an element of the Russian campaign rhetoric. Obviously, stereotypes have been used, tried and tested in similar situations by the previous Ukrainian government. But this view is mistaken, because, according to the Russian public opinion polls, Ukraine is not yet included, as before, in the top five potential enemies of Russia. This time, the external "enemies" of Russia are the U.S. and NATO, on which the presidential campaign goals "are being practiced".

      So the Ukrainian issue in the current election campaign in Russia seems not to be used. As was aptly noted by one of the local experts, now the Russian electorate is simply not buying the "Ukrainian" issue.

      Another worsening of relations with Ukraine could not be understood even by the voters of the top presidential runner", because not so long ago the Kremlin propagandists were convincing their people that now really pro-Russian politicians took the office in Kyiv.

      A typical "detail", eloquent enough for the connoisseurs of the Russian political "kitchen". A "stormy petrel" of the new "gas war" has become the president, not prime minister, which is strange, because the responsibility of the latter includes economic issues.

      Although the motive is well seen. Vladimir Putin on the eve of the March 4 election needs to save prestige, and not to spoil it with dubious statements. And the remains of the rating of the "outgoing" Dmitry Medvedev have no pity yet.

      Although there is little hope that after the presidential elections in Russia the situation with Ukraine will be somehow resolved. First, it is clear who will remain a key shareholder in Gazprom. When it is not even about money, but about very big money, it is not accepted to choose the means be it gas price increase or an attempt to oust the unpopular president.

      In the situation with the Ukrainian gas transit system Gazprom may go all the way and with blackmail and contractual strangleholds will be pressing" the recalcitrant "Ukrainian friends".

      So Kyiv must be prepared and have A Plan
  • 2012.03.15 | НеСправжнійПатріот

    а насправді "Богословська констатувала відсутність достатньої кількості матеріалів для доказу.."

    Депутат від Партії регіонів, голова слідчої комісії Верховної Ради Інна Богословська констатувала відсутність достатньої кількості матеріалів для доказу державної зради колишнього прем'єр-міністра Юлії Тимошенко.

    "Ми не можемо кваліфікувати це як державний злочин, тому що у нас недостатньо матеріалів для того, щоб довести факт державної зради", - повідомила Богословська.

    З її слів, згідно з чинним законодавством, для доказу вчинення державної зради необхідно довести наявність умислу для заподіяння шкоди економічним інтересам держави.


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