Перемикач мов

Для боротьби прои інформаційної війни Росії, зокрема в Криму, в червні 2006 року був створений проект “Майдан-Крим” (архіви доступні тут – статті та новини та форум). Робота якого потрапила у витяги з закритої кореспонденції амбасади США в Києві від 2006 року, оприлюднені Wikileaks восени 2010 року.

Для тих, хто не розуміє англійською, коротко: майданівці розповідали про те, як технічно відбувається інформаційна війна. “Майдан-Крим” був першою, абсолютно волонтерською, спробою протистояти тій війні.


17. (C) Kremlin spinmeister Modest Kolerov, brought in by the Kremlin in March 2005 after the Orange Revolution to manage a counter-campaign aimed at Russians in the “near abroad,” has focused on Crimea as part of his “CIS-II” project also involving Transnistria, Abhazia, and South Ossetia, stated Lytvynenko. He claimed there had also been unsuccessful efforts to involve Crimean Rada Speaker Anatoliy Grytsenko (Regions) in the meetings with the “presidents” of the separatist regions. Kolerov uses his Regnum and Novy Regioni news agencies to promote biased and misleading “news,” influencing Crimea’s information space (note: the Novy Regioni website lists its Crimean affiliate along with those in Russian provinces and separatist “republics,” apart from the Ukraine affiliates). Ukrainian outlets often re-ran Novy Regioni “manufactured” material without fact checking, perpetuating a circle of myths according to Maidan-Krym’s Aleksandr Pylypenko.

27. (C) Lytvynenko suggested the three main steps Kyiv needed to take to address the Crimean situation effectively: establish an effective land registry; use the SBU to more aggressively counter intel activities (and rotate out SBU personnel too closely affiliated with the Cossacks and Russia); and improve presidential outreach to the Crimean Tatar community. Then Interior Minister Lutsenko, in a November 17 discussion with Ambassador, reaffirmed the SBU’s lead role, stressed the limited utility of law enforcement action against Proryv-style mischief, and focused on a wider cultural challenge. Ukraine had done nearly nothing to create a positive Ukrainian alternative to the Russian propaganda machine of the Black Sea Fleet and pro-Russian media. Nearly all the journalists we talked to in Crimea heartily agreed, adding the education system as another tool, with the need to expand Ukrainian language opportunities (there is still only one magnet Ukrainian language high school, and only three overall, in Crimea). Lytvynenko noted that the internet-based Maidan-Krym and Media-Krym projects were a modest start in the right direction, particularly with the younger generation of Crimeans, in the information space battle, but the challenge remained enormous.


10. (SBU) Pro-Russian groups–such as the Russian Bloc, Proryv, and Eurasian Youth Union (ref A)–who seek to stir up anti-Tatar sentiment for a variety of political goals have tried to exploit the squatter situation. Radyvilov has publicly threatened to use his “Bakhchiserai methods” at all locations where Tatars resort to squatting, noted Budzhurova. The EYU called in Crimean TV to film their threat to burn out all squatters within a week, added Yunusov. Communist MP Hrach drafted a law that would criminalize squatting, leading to Tatar fears of mass arrests, said Jemilev. Two Russian community activists with only a localized agenda, Serhiy Shuvainikov and Syvatoslav Kompaniyets, separately told us that ethnic Russians needed to take stronger actions to defend their rights against the “Tatars'” squatter initiative, overlooking the Slavic participants in the movement. The anti-squatting attention is misdirected, according to Maidan-Krym’s Yan Sinitsyn, who claimed that there is more coverage of Proryv and EYU PR stunts threatening to smash squatter huts than of greater “dereban” outrages in which connected insiders steal hundreds of hectares of far more valuable land.

Для тих, хто не знає, що таке Wikileaks – вам сюди


Взято було з таких стоірнок.



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